MY CHINA

Truths About My Country (Part 1)

1 February 2026

by KAN Fengmin

Summary

Drawing on a lifetime shaped by China’s opening to the world and three decades studying in Europe and working with the United Nations, the author recounts how her extensive international experience strengthened her conviction that China’s success stems from the Communist Party’s leadership. She rejects Western portrayals of China as autocratic, emphasizing its merit-based governance, democratic centralism, long-term planning, anti-corruption efforts, and tangible improvements in people’s lives, while criticizing Western media bias and political hypocrisy.

As a Beijinger, I was selected in 1972 for a group to go to the airport to welcome President Richard Nixon and his wife Pat. We also attended the large-scale cultural performance put on for them one evening at Beijing Capital Stadium. The President and his wife seemed to enjoy the friendly atmosphere, and my curiosity about the United States sprouted. Two years later, I majored in English language at university – giving me more access to information about Western countries in general and the United States in particular.

Benefiting from the open-door policy introduced by the Chinese Government, I was able to go abroad to study in 1986, receiving a PhD in the Netherlands and going on to work abroad, mostly for the United Nations in different capacities and countries. Altogether, I lived in the Netherlands, the UK, Mozambique, Switzerland, France, the United States, Central African Republic, Japan, Kenya and Thailand. In addition, I visited more than 70 countries, usually for work. I remained outside of China for 30 years.

I share with readers my experience because, quite contrary to the expectations of most Westerners, those three decades abroad, seeing the world, left me feeling lucky to be Chinese. I truly love my country and respect the strong leadership of the Communist Party of China and government. After my retirement, in January 2017, I moved back to China and spent most of the last nine years there, often traveling – from big new cities to small mountain villages – witnessing the unbelievable changes in people's lives.

International English media are dominated by bias and lies against China, especially the Communist Party and its leadership of the government. Pro-China authors are targets of insinuations such that they are secretly paid by China and so on. Well, I am neither a Party member, nor I am paid by the Chinese government for writing this. As a UN retiree, I do not even draw a pension or have medical insurance cover from China.

I am writing this article for two reasons. Firstly, I’m retired long enough to enjoy the freedom of speech whose false facade is so constantly used by anti-China politicians and media to hide behind. The second is that people around the world, whether they like or dislike China, should know the truth about the country. Indeed, they deserve a break from being manipulated by Western politicians and mainstream media, who are – for personal gain – so bent on deluding the people who voted for them.

While people around the world are impressed by the speed and scope of development in China, many do not realize that this great transformation in incomes, social security, and so many other areas such as environmental protection, has been largely due to the Party’s visionary leadership, hard work by the Party-led government, and of course the dynamism of the Chinese people.

Instead of collaborating with such a success, many politicians in the West feel threatened and jealous that they must share prosperity. Seeking to demonize any perceived foe, some Western politicians and mainstream media – especially in the United States and United Kingdom – stage ceaseless, often baseless attacks on China. Those usually-unfounded assaults reveal ignorance, dishonesty, and profound betrayal of their own professed principles such as 'telling both sides of the story'. China’s Party-led government has gradually gotten over their shock at this barbarism and become resilient to the attempted interference and disruption sponsored by Western countries. They continue to demonstrate their comprehensive capability to lead China further forward on the path of sustainable development and its great national rejuvenation.

The ruling class and politicians from the West constantly accuse China of being an ‘autocracy’ or even a ‘dictatorship’. This has become almost a mantra in Washington and London and it is dead wrong. The truth is that the Party has tied its fate with the fate of the country and its people's livelihood since its founding in 1921. Its primary purpose is to serve its people wholeheartedly (为人民服务). This has remained unchanged during its 105-year history, and is even more the case today. Before the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, it was the Party which led the Chinese people and army to defeat the Japanese invaders and overthrow the Chiang Kai-shek regime – bent only on power and personal wealth, in cahoots with the USA. Since 1949 until today, it is this same Party, together with the people, that has progressively eliminated severe poverty nationwide, developed world-leading transportation systems, renewable energy, electric vehicles, medical systems, other cutting edge science and technology and much, much more. China continues to strive for its great national revitalization, no matter who tries to stand in its way.

In China, the Party leads pretty well everything at all administrative levels. I understand this sounds shocking to anti-China, Western ears, but it is in fact a deep commitment to govern national development and administration. The Party-led governing system not only enables the Party to exercise strong leadership, but also demonstrates the Party's strong sense of responsibility and accountability for its country’s development and its people’s well-being. Most Chinese people judge the Party and the government led by the Party by what they do, and indeed, they do a great deal for the people. The transformation from the mostly rural, peasant landscape of 1940s China to today’s modern life is truly incredible, far beyond the imagination of people born in the 1940s and ‘50s such as myself.

China's government is not a 'dictatorship' or 'autocracy.' The Party, based on Chinese history and reality, has chosen Democratic Centralism (民主集中制), as its core management principle, combining centralization with considerable democracy. This is a fundamental organizational principle, actually helping to prevent the dictatorship or autocracy found in a number of countries across the globe. Importantly, this core principle emphasizes that the primary cause of the Party is to pursue the interests of the Chinese people. Such a genuine commitment to serve may not be easily found in political parties in Western countries, and while in China too, individual officials go astray, the Party as a whole stays on track.

Democratic Centralism fosters leadership based on collective wisdom, adopting a procedure that combines consultative democracy with voting democracy. A key level is the Party's Central Committee of just over 200 full members, elected every five years through the National Party Congress of nearly 3,000 deputies. The Chinese Politburo (24 members), and its Standing Committee (7 members), are also elected every five years by the new Central Committee. Of course, there is plenty of back-room negotiating, informal polls and consultation with party elders, but this is how representative democracy works. Unlike a multi-party system with parties as primary competitors (and competition within each party only secondary), in China’s way, primary competition is within one Party. As in any system, the top leader – the Party’s Secretary General, currently Xi Jinping – holds the most influence over the selection of candidates, but even they cannot always get what they want.

Keep in mind that in Western systems, the Prime Minister or President often has the personal power to directly appoint all their cabinet members and many others, in some cases even their relatives or family members, often without the need for legislative approval. No one calls this dictatorship. Keep in mind too, that attempting to overthrow the constitutional order through illegal means, especially in collusion with a foreign power, is considered treason anywhere, and China is no different in this respect.

At the grassroots level, there are also established procedures to make sure that Rural Party Branches are led by individuals with strong skills and commitment. At the lowest levels such as in villages or neighborhoods, leaders are frequently elected through direct voting. This overall governance system is intended to ensure a high degree of coherence, effectiveness and centripetal force – qualities sorely lacking in Western governments.  

Why has the Communist Party remained strong for more than a century? What enabled it to emerge strong from ‘the century of national humiliation’ – from the first Anti-Britain Opium War to the ending of anti-Japanese invasion in 1945 – and go on to lead its people to their current national grand rejuvenation? Let me highlight three merits that may help one understand this success:

The first merit of the Party-led government is their capacity to ensure consistency

The Party's strong emphasis on high-level consistency prevents any successor from wiping the slate ‘clean’ and starting all over again – perhaps even heading in the opposite direction as frequently happens in some Western countries. As the Communist Party's purpose and organizational principles were clearly set out by the first generation of Party leaders, new generations adhere to them, building on what has been achieved and identifying what is needed next to advance further.

Chinese national Five-Year Plans and programmes enable objective measuring of results before setting out measurable new priorities and targets in the next Plan. The process generally begins with a proposal from the Central Committee of the Party, followed by the State Council's draft outline, that is then submitted to the National People’s Congress for review and approval, releasing steadily more information about it until the entire text is publicized. This planning process is quite elaborate and the annual measurement of performance compared to targets set is quantitative, transparent and available online. Westerners mostly do not imagine that draft new laws in China are posted online for two or even three rounds of public comments before they are finalized.

The Four Modernizations (agriculture, industry, national defense, and science and technology), are another source of consistency, a clear vision of a basic set of priorities for development. The concept was first proposed in 1954 at the first National People's Congress, but it was not until the Third People's Congress at the end of 1964 / beginning of 1965, that it was finally adopted. Premier Zhou stated:

"The main task of developing the national economy in the future, generally speaking, is to build our country into a nation with modern agriculture, modern industry, modern national defense and modern science and technology within a relatively short historical period." 

And then they proceeded to do it, not without wrong turns and course-corrections, to be sure, but they did it. They did it very well.

Another example of the high level of consistency of Party-led governance in China is the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence in its Foreign Affairs dealings: 1) Mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, 2) mutual non-aggression, 3) non-interference in internal affairs, 4) equality and mutual benefit, and 5) peaceful coexistence. Those Five Principles, established in 1954, have remained the fundamental guidance underlying China's diplomacy. Present-day China has imbued this with ‘new-era connotations’ of a “community with a shared future for mankind”, and this is widely applied in its current international relations. Such a high-level of consistency, in this case for over 70 years and despite great changes, has proved one of strongest merits of the governance led by the Communist Party of China.

The second merit is a high level of competence

In China, it is beyond people’s imagination to put the fate and future of the nation in the hands of a popular entrepreneur or other politically inexperienced person. Both the Communist Party and the government it leads are built through a long-established merit-based process for selection and promotion of the best candidates. In ancient China, the imperial examination system was pioneered as early as the Sui dynasty 581 - 618 AD, and widely used by the Tang, Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties that followed. In present-day China, selection of civil servants is still based on extremely competitive annual entry exams. As competition is so high, one must score at the very top to be admitted. Then, to climb the career ladder, one must steadily succeed in increasingly challenging positions, according to numerous measured indicators in a scorecard used for each individual's quite rigorous annual evaluation.

Any citizen above 18 can express their interest in joining the Communist Party, which has 100 million members throughout the country today. Acceptance is largely based on the observations and assessment by party members of the individual, based on their deeds and especially if they are behaving according to the Party’s overarching principle – to put the interests of the people and country first. Yes, like in any system, connections can help. Corruption exists too and at one point was too widespread, but these individuals were never the mainstream. Neither has there ever been much chance of advancement if your performance did not stand above the others, crony pals or not. Today, China enjoys an enormous, bubbling pool of committed Party-led officials at different levels, working hard towards clear and stable targets.

The truth is that the Chinese people can always count on the Party and their government to perform, and especially in time of great need. For instance, during the unprecedented Wenchuan earthquake, or the Covid-19 pandemic, the Party and government’s response was swift and outstandingly competent. Though it was not without flaws, their performance was clearly superior. For instance, no Western government can build an entire, large, modern hospital in just eight days because of a sudden, urgent need.

The third merit of the Party is periodic self-revolution to correct themselves

While the standard Western narrative about Chinese governance is that it is calcified and refuses to change, making collapse inevitable, the exact opposite is true. It is a highly dynamic entity. The Communist Party of China has grown and thrived since its founding in 1921, despite great turbulence, because of its ability to change. As of today, the Party has undergone self-revolution six times, to correct itself after a wrong turn. Think, for instance, of the major changes in economic policy in the late 1970s that led to China’s great boom. In addition, the Party has also experienced more than 70 different political movements within itself. However, no matter how great the internal revolution and fermentation, the fundamental goals and principles remain the same.

We all know that corruption is a common challenge for all countries and for fast-growing developing countries in particular, and China has been no exception. Corruption became so flagrant among some government officials that the Party realized it was seriously eroding the trust of the people, a dangerous state of affairs. Since 2012, the Party’s Central Committee led by Chairman Xi, has greatly intensified its anti-corruption efforts. Year after year the campaign has intensified, catching both ‘tigers and flies.’ Officials can be prosecuted for corruption even after retirement. The causes of corruption such as lax tendering have also been addressed and the result has been an amazing success – a relentless crackdown on all sorts of corruption, from major bribe-taking to excessively expensive dining on expense accounts. Far from tokenism, this campaign is now in its fourteenth year and still going strong.

In 2025 alone, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and the National Supervision organs nationwide received 4.2 million complaints, including 1.3 million accusations and denunciations. By the end of November, 983,000 individuals had received disciplinary punishment in the first 11 months of the year, including 69 quite senior officials. Punishments ranged from merely being criticized and educated, to being expelled from the post and the Party, to the recovery of stolen wealth. Following party discipline comes legal prosecution which sends many away for long prison sentences, and in the case of very serious corruption by senior officials, even for life. Contrary to Western insinuations, there is no immunity for any group, not even those closest to or chosen by the top leadership, as recent cases have amply demonstrated.

Conclusion

I want to emphasize there is no perfect party and government, nor is there any ‘magic formula’ for the best form of governance that can be universally applied. We are all bearing witness to the appalling disorder of US politics and governance today, which has for so many decades held itself up as a model in the world. China, however, is not trying to export its own governance model. It considers it uniquely Chinese.

The Communist Party of China has undergone a history of continuous trials and tribulations. With clear vision and principles, the Party and its government – working with its people – have successfully achieved the four modernizations in record time and are now steaming towards the complete ‘grand rejuvenation’ of their country. The level of sustainable development in China speaks loudly and clearly that there would have been no new China without the Communist Party.

We ordinary people, especially young people around the world, should not be fooled by the sweet, empty words that anti-China politicians and governments often use, citing democracy, human rights, freedom of speech, or equality and peace. The best way is to come and visit China yourself and reach your own conclusions. Have a look around and see what you think.

If you do a bit of research, you will see that the development history of China is a history of self-reliance and hard work. In contrast, the development of countries led by the Western ruling-classes and their politicians, was based on a long history of blood-stained aggression, plunder, enslavement and colonization. Today, such ruling classes and politicians are bullying and robbing smaller countries; using economic sanctions to squeeze them to acquiesce to their demands, and spending tens of billions to finance clandestine activities aimed at inciting violent social unrest, and thus overthrow their governments to install ones they like. They seek to continue controlling the world as much as they can for their own interests, and not at all for the interests of their peoples.

No doubt, China's success will continue to be accompanied by a never-ending, systematic, mind-boggling campaign to diabolize China in Western minds. My youthful respect and fascination with the USA and the G7 countries as a whole has long since faded to disdain.

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Dr. KAN Fengmin  (China), is a retired senior official of the United Nations Secretariat, responsible for coordination of disaster response and disaster risk reduction. She served as Head of the Asia and Pacific Office of the United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction, based in Bangkok, THAILAND, as Head of Africa Office for the same UN entity, based in Nairobi, KENYA, and as Senior Coordinator in Geneva, SWITZERLAND. Before UNDRR, Dr. Kan worked for the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, based in Kobe, JAPAN, coordinating UN humanitarian assistance to Asian countries affected by disasters, as well as for the United Nations Development Program, headquartered in New York, USA, and in the CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC on a peace-building programme. She joined the United Nations Peace Mission in MOZAMBIQUE in 1993, working for the International Organization for Migration as head of their program to assist the reintegration of 115,000 demobilized soldiers during the peace-building process. Dr. Kan has a Ph.D in Social Science from the University of Utrecht, in THE NETHERLANDS.

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